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Turkey's application to accede to the European Union was made on 14 April 1987. Turkey has been an associate member of the European Union (EU) and its predecessors since 1963.[2] After the ten founding members, Turkey was one of the first countries to become a member of the Council of Europe in 1949, and was also a founding member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 1961[3] and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in 1973. The country has also been an associate member of the Western European Union since 1992, and is a part of the "Western Europe" branch of the Western European and Others Group (WEOG) at the United Nations. Turkey signed a Customs Union agreement with the EU in 1995 and was officially recognised as a candidate for full membership on 12 December 1999, at the Helsinki summit of the European Council. Negotiations were started on 3 October 2005, and the process, should it be in Turkey's favour, is likely to take at least a decade to complete.[4] The membership bid has become a major controversy of the ongoing enlargement of the European Union.[5]
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After the Ottoman Empire's collapse following World War I, Turkish revolutionaries led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk emerged victorious in the Turkish War of Independence, establishing the modern Turkish Republic as it exists today. Atatürk, President of Turkey, implemented a series of reforms, including secularization and industrialization, intended to modernize the country.[6] During World War II, Turkey remained neutral until February 1945, when it joined the Allies. The country took part in the Marshall Plan of 1947, became a member of the Council of Europe in 1949,[7] and a member of NATO in 1952.[8] During the Cold War, Turkey allied itself with the United States and Western Europe.
The country first applied for associate membership in the European Economic Community in 1959, and on 12 September 1963 signed the "Agreement Creating An Association Between The Republic of Turkey and the European Economic Community", also known as the Ankara Agreement. This agreement came into effect the following year on 12 December 1964. The Ankara Agreement sought to integrate Turkey into a customs union with the EEC whilst acknowledging the final goal of membership.[6] In November 1970, a further protocol called the "Additional Protocol" established a timetable for the abolition of tariffs and quotas on goods traded between Turkey and the EEC.[6]
On 14 April 1987, Turkey submitted its application for formal membership into the European Community. The European Commission responded in December 1989 by confirming Ankara’s eventual membership but also by deferring the matter to more favorable times, citing Turkey’s economic and political situation, as well its poor relations with Greece and the conflict with Cyprus as creating an unfavorable environment with which to begin negotiations.[9] This position was confirmed again in the Luxembourg European Council of 1997 in which accession talks were started with central and eastern European states and Cyprus, but not Turkey. During the 1990s, Turkey proceeded with a closer integration with the European Union by agreeing to a customs union in 1995. Moreover, the Helsinki European Council of 1999 proved a milestone as the EU recognised Turkey as a candidate on equal footing with other potential candidates.
The next significant step in Turkey–EU relations came with the December 2002 Copenhagen European Council.[10] According to it, "the EU would open negotiations with Turkey 'without delay' if the European Council in December 2004, on the basis of a report and a recommendation from the Commission, decides that Turkey fulfills the Copenhagen political criteria."[10]
The European Commission recommended that the negotiations should begin in 2005, but also added various precautionary measures. The EU leaders agreed on 16 December 2004 to start accession negotiations with Turkey from 3 October 2005.[11] Despite an offer from the Austrian People's Party and the German Christian Democratic Union of a privileged partnership status, a less than full membership, EU accession negotiations were officially launched.[12]
Turkey's accession talks have since been stalled by a number of domestic and external problems. Both Austria and France have said they would hold a referendum on Turkey's accession. In the case of France, a change in its Constitution was made to impose such a referendum, but later another constitution change has enabled the parliament (if a large majority of its members agrees) to prevent such a referendum.[13] The issue of Cyprus continues to be a major obstacle to negotiations.[14] European officials have commented on the slowdown in Turkish reforms which, combined with the Cyprus problem, led the EU’s Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn in March 2007 to warn of an impeding ‘train crash’ in the negotiations.[15] Due to these setbacks, negotiations again came to a halt in December 2006, with the EU freezing talks in 8 of the 35 key areas under negotiation.[16]
The earliest date that Turkey could enter the EU is 2013, the date when the next financial perspectives (the EU's six year budgetary perspectives) will come into force. Ankara is currently aiming to comply with EU law by this date,[17] but Brussels has refused to back 2013 as a deadline.[18] In 2006 European Commission President José Manuel Barroso said that the accession process will take at least until 2021.[19]
To accede to the EU, Turkey must first successfully complete negotiations with the European Commission on each of the 35 chapters of the acquis communautaire, the total body of EU law. Afterwards, the member states must unanimously agree on granting Turkey membership to the European Union.
Acquis chapter | EC Assessment At Start | Current Situation[28][29] | Screening Started | Screening Completed | Chapter Frozen | Chapter Unfrozen | Chapter Opened | Chapter Closed |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1. Free Movement of Goods | Further efforts needed | Generally aligned with the acquis | 16.1.2006 | 24.2.2006 | 11.12.2006[C 1] | – | – | – |
2. Freedom of Movement For Workers | Very hard to adopt | Alignment at early stage | 19.7.2006 | 11.9.2006 | 8.12.2009[C 2] | – | – | – |
3. Right of Establishment For Companies & Freedom To Provide Services | Very hard to adopt | Alignment at early stage | 21.11.2005 | 20.12.2005 | 11.12.2006[C 1] | – | – | – |
4. Free Movement of Capital | Further efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 25.11.2005 | 22.12.2005 | – | – | 19.12.2008 | – |
5. Public Procurement | Totally incompatible with acquis | Further efforts needed | 7.11.2005 | 28.11.2005 | – | – | – | – |
6. Company Law | Considerable efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 21.6.2006 | 20.7.2006 | – | – | 17.6.2008 | – |
7. Intellectual Property Law | Further efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 6.2.2006 | 3.3.2006 | – | – | 17.6.2008 | – |
8. Competition Policy | Very hard to adopt | Further efforts needed | 8.11.2005 | 2.12.2005 | – | – | – | – |
9. Financial Services | Considerable efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 29.3.2006 | 3.5.2006 | 11.12.2006[C 1] | – | – | – |
10. Information Society & Media | Further efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 12.6.2006 | 14.7.2006 | – | – | 19.12.2008 | – |
11. Agriculture & Rural Development | Very hard to adopt | Considerable efforts needed | 5.12.2005 | 26.1.2006 | 11.12.2006[C 1] | – | – | – |
12. Food Safety, Veterinary & Phytosanitary Policy | Very hard to adopt | Further efforts needed | 9.3.2006 | 28.4.2006 | – | – | 30.6.2010 | – |
13. Fisheries | Very hard to adopt | Further efforts needed | 24.2.2006 | 31.3.2006 | 11.12.2006[C 1] | – | – | – |
14. Transport Policy | Considerable efforts needed | Considerable efforts needed | 26.6.2006 | 28.9.2006 | 11.12.2006[C 1] | – | – | – |
15. Energy | Considerable efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 15.5.2006 | 16.6.2006 | 8.12.2009[C 2] | – | – | – |
16. Taxation | Considerable efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 6.6.2006 | 12.7.2006 | – | – | 30.6.2009 | – |
17. Economic & Monetary Policy | Considerable efforts needed | Generally aligned with the acquis | 16.2.2006 | 23.3.2006 | 25.06.2007[C 3][30] | – | – | – |
18. Statistics | Considerable efforts needed | Generally aligned with the acquis | 19.6.2006 | 18.7.2006 | – | – | 25.6.2007 | – |
19. Social Policy & Employment[31] | Considerable efforts needed | Considerable efforts needed | 8.2.2006 | 22.3.2006 | – | – | – | – |
20. Enterprise & Industrial Policy | No major difficulties expected | Alignment Complete | 27.3.2006 | 5.5.2006 | – | – | 29.3.2007 | – |
21. Trans-European Networks | Considerable efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 30.6.2006 | 29.9.2006 | – | – | 19.12.2007 | – |
22. Regional Policy & Coordination of Structural Instruments | Considerable efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 11.9.2006 | 10.10.2006 | 25.06.2007[C 3][30] | – | – | – |
23. Judiciary & Fundamental Rights | Considerable efforts needed | Considerable efforts needed | 7.9.2006 | 13.10.2006 | 8.12.2009[C 2] | – | – | – |
24. Justice, Freedom & Security | Considerable efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 23.1.2006 | 15.2.2006 | 8.12.2009[C 2] | – | – | – |
25. Science & Research | No major difficulties expected | Generally aligned with the acquis | 20.10.2005 | 14.11.2005 | – | – | 12.6.2006 | 12.6.2006 |
26. Education & Culture | Further efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 26.10.2005 | 16.11.2005 | 8.12.2009[C 2] | – | – | – |
27. Environment | Totally incompatible with acquis | Alignment at early stage | 3.4.2006 | 2.6.2006 | – | – | 21.12.2009[32] | – |
28. Consumer & Health Protection | Further efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 8.6.2006 | 11.7.2006 | – | – | 19.12.2007 | – |
29. Customs Union | No major difficulties expected | Generally aligned with the acquis | 31.1.2006 | 14.03.2006 | 11.12.2006[C 1] | – | – | – |
30. External Relations | No major difficulties expected | Generally aligned with the acquis | 10.7.2006 | 13.9.2006 | 11.12.2006[C 1] | – | – | – |
31. Foreign, Security & Defence Policy | Further efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 14.9.2006 | 6.10.2006 | 8.12.2009[C 2] | – | – | – |
32. Financial Control | Further efforts needed | Further efforts needed | 18.5.2006 | 30.6.2006 | – | – | 26.7.2007 | – |
33. Financial & Budgetary Provisions | No major difficulties expected | Further efforts needed | 6.9.2006 | 4.10.2006 | 25.06.2007[C 3][30] | – | – | – |
34. Institutions | Nothing to adopt | Nothing to adopt | – | – | – | – | – | – |
35. Other Issues | Nothing to adopt | Nothing to adopt | – | – | – | – | – | – |
Progress | 33 out of 33[33] | 33 out of 33[33] | 17 out of 33 | 0 out of 17 | 13 out of 35 | 1 out of 35[34] |
Proponents of Turkey's membership argue that it is a key regional power[35][36] with a large economy and the second largest military force of NATO[37][38] that will enhance the EU's position as a global geostrategic player; given Turkey's geographic location and economic, political, cultural and historic ties in regions with large natural resources that are at the immediate vicinity of the EU's geopolitical sphere of influence; such as the East Mediterranean and Black Sea coasts, the Middle East, the Caspian Sea basin and Central Asia.[39][40]
According to the Swedish foreign minister, Carl Bildt, "the accession of Turkey would give the EU a decisive role for stability in the eastern part of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, which is clearly in the strategic interest of Europe."[41] One of Turkey's key supporters for its bid to join the EU is the United Kingdom.[42]
Upon joining the EU, Turkey's 73 million inhabitants would bestow the second largest number of MEPs in the European Parliament.[15] Demographic projections indicate that Turkey would surpass Germany in the number of seats by 2020.[15]
Turkey's membership would also affect future enlargement plans, especially the number of nations seeking EU membership,[15] grounds on which Valéry Giscard d'Estaing has opposed Turkey's admission. Giscard has suggested that it would lead to demands for accession by Morocco. Morocco's application is already rejected on geographic grounds; while Turkey, unlike Morocco, has territory in Europe. French President Nicolas Sarkozy stated in January 2007 that "enlarging Europe with no limit risks destroying European political union, and that I do not accept...I want to say that Europe must give itself borders, that not all countries have a vocation to become members of Europe, beginning with Turkey which has no place inside the European Union."[43]
EU member states must unanimously agree on Turkey's membership for the Turkish accession to be successful. In December 2011, a poll showed that as much as 71% of the participants surveyed in Austria, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain and the UK were opposed to Turkey's membership in the European Union.[44] A number of nations may oppose it; notably Austria, which historically served as a bulwark for Christian Europe against the Ottoman Empire whose armies twice laid siege to Vienna in 1529 and 1683; German chancelor Angela Merkel has long rejected Turkey's accession bid, and has proposed a "privileged partnership" instead[45]; France, where some are anxious at the prospect of a new wave of Muslim immigrants, given the country's already large, and poorly integrated, Muslim community.[46]
Negotiations to remove the French constitutional requirement for a compulsory referendum on all EU accessions after Croatia resulted in a new proposal to require a compulsory referendum on the accession of any country with a population of more than 5% of the EU's total population; this clause would mainly apply to Turkey and Ukraine.[47] The French Senate, however, blocked the change in the French constitution, in order to maintain good relations with Turkey.[48] Current constitution situation is as follows : if 3/5 of the delegates (from the Senate+the Parliament) agree to the Turkey accession, there would be no referendum.
Upon accession to the EU, Turkey expects to receive economic development aid similar to what Ireland, Greece, Spain and Portugal received. This will accelerate Turkey's rate of economic development. There is also an expectation that, there will be an increase in European foreign investment in the Turkish economy, further driving economic growth. Additionally, in times of economic crisis, Turkey could expect economic assistance from the EU, similar to what Ireland and Greece received after the 2008 financial crisis.
Free movement of people across the EU will give many Turkish people the opportunity to easily migrate to other parts of Europe in search of work, or a higher standard of living. The option of migration out of Turkey will inevitably ease tensions in the east of the country, as the prospect of a better standard of living will tend to cool separatist tendencies. Some secularists in Turkey envisage that the accession of Turkey will contribute to the spread of secular western values in Turkey. Conversely, some non-secularists in Turkey envisage that accession will contribute to the further growth and acceptance of Islam in Europe.
Given Turkey's large and growing population, Turkey will have a correspondingly large representation in the European Parliament. This will give Turkey strong direct influence over EU policies. Membership in the EU will also increase Turkey's prestige regionally and internationally.
Turkey has the world's 15th largest GDP-PPP[1] and 17th largest Nominal GDP.[49] The country is a founding member of the OECD and the G-20 major economies.
Turkey has taken advantage of a customs union with the European Union, signed in 1995, to increase its industrial production destined for exports, while at the same time benefiting from EU-origin foreign investment into the country.[50] In 2008, Turkey's exports reached 141.8 billion USD[51] (main export partners: Germany 11.2%, UK 8%, Italy 6.95%, France 5.6%, Spain 4.3%, USA 3.88%; total EU exports 56.5%.) However, larger imports amounting to about 204.8 billion USD[51] threaten the balance of trade (main import partners: Russia 13.8%, Germany 10.3%, China 7.8%, Italy 6%, USA 4.8%, France 4.6%, Iran 3.9%, UK 3.2%; total EU imports 40.4%; total Asia imports 27%).[52][53]
The opening of talks regarding the Economic and Monetary Policy acquis chapter of Turkey's accession bid was expected to begin in June 2007, but were stalled by France.[54]
As of 2005, the population of Turkey stood at 71.5 million with a yearly growth rate of 1.5%.[55][56] The Turkish population is relatively young, with 25.5% falling within the 0–15 age bracket.[57]
Turkey's large population would alter the balance of power in the representative European institutions. Upon joining the EU, Turkey's 78 million inhabitants would bestow it the second largest number of MEPs in the European Parliament.[58] Demographic projections indicate that Turkey would surpass Germany in the number of seats by 2020.[58]
The island of Cyprus was divided when, on 20 July 1974, Turkey occupied a third of the island in response to an Athens-engineered coup aimed at annexing Cyprus to Greece. Since then, Turkey has refused to acknowledge the Republic of Cyprus (an EU member since 2004) as the sole authority on the island, and recognizes the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus since its establishment in 1983. The Turkish invasion in 1974 and the resulting movement of refugees along both sides of the Green Line; and the establishment of the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus in 1983 form the core issues which surround the ongoing Cyprus dispute.
Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots backed the 2004 Annan Plan for Cyprus aimed at the reunification of the island, but the plan was subsequently rejected by Greek Cypriots on the grounds that it did not meet their needs. According to Greek Cypriots, the latest proposal included maintained residence rights for the many Anatolian Turks who moved to Cyprus after the invasion (and their descendants who were born on the island after 1974), while the Greek Cypriots who lost their property after the Turkish invasion would be granted only a restricted right of return to the north following the island's proposed reunification. Although the outcome received much criticism in the EU as well, the Republic of Cyprus was admitted into the EU a week after the referendum.
The Turkish government has refused to officially recognise the Republic of Cyprus until the removal of the political and economic blockade on the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Turkey's non-recognition of the Republic of Cyprus has led to complications within the Customs Union. Under the customs agreements which Turkey had already signed as a precondition to start EU membership negotiations in 2005, it is obliged to open its ports to Cypriot planes and vessels, but Turkey refuses to do this.[59] It refuses to do so until the 27-nation bloc fulfils its pledge to ease the international isolation of the breakaway and internationally unrecognised Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.[60]
Turkey’s refusal to implement a trade pact between Turkey and the EU that requires the Turkish Government allow Greek Cypriot vessels to use its air and sea ports has prompted the EU to freeze eight chapters in Turkey’s accession talks.[59]
In November 2009, Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Cemil Cicek said that should Turkey be forced to choose between supporting either EU membership or Turkish Cypriots, "[then] Turkey’s choice will forever be to stand next to the Turkish Cypriots. Everybody should understand this."[59]
The issue of Turkish membership, has been contentious in Greece, opinion polls suggest only 25% of Greeks believe Turkey has a place in the European Union.[61] The former Greek Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis stated that Turkish membership of the EU could only be predicated upon, "full compliance, full accession" in December 2006.[62] In 2005 the European Commission referred to relations between Turkey and Greece as "continuing to develop positively"[63] while also citing a key barrier to progress being Turkey's ongoing claim of casus belli over a dispute about territorial waters boundaries.[63]
Turkey has a secular constitution, with no official state religion.[64] 99% of the Turkish population is Muslim[65][66] of whom over 70% belong to the Sunni branch of Islam. A sizeable minority, about over 25% of the Muslim population, is affiliated with the Shi'a Alevi branch.[67] The Christians (Eastern Orthodox, Catholic, Gregorian, Syriac, Protestant) and Jews (Sephardic, Ashkenazi) were formerly sizable religious minorities in the country. Turkey would be the first Muslim-majority country to join the European Union, although Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo[68] are also Muslim-majority, and have been recognized as potential candidate countries.[69]
Official population census polls in Turkey do not include information regarding a person's religious belief or ethnic background due to the regulations set by the Turkish constitution, which defines all citizens of the Republic of Turkey as Turkish in terms of nationality, regardless of faith or race.[70]
There is a strong tradition of secularism in Turkey. The state has no official religion nor promotes any, and actively monitors the area between the religions.[71] The constitution recognizes the freedom of religion for individuals, whereas religious communities are placed under the protection of the state; but the constitution explicitly states that they cannot become involved in the political process (by forming a religious party, for instance) or establish faith-based schools. No party can claim that it represents a form of religious belief; nevertheless, religious sensibilities are generally represented through conservative parties.[71] Turkey prohibits by law the wearing of religious headcover and theo-political symbolic garments for both sexes in government buildings, schools, and universities;[72] the law was upheld by the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights as "legitimate" in the Leyla Şahin v. Turkey case on 10 November 2005.[73]
Article 301 states that "a person who publicly insults the Turkish nation, the State of the Republic of Turkey, or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, shall be punishable by imprisonment of between six months and two years" and also that "expressions of thought intended to criticise shall not constitute a crime."
The EU was especially critical of this law during the September 2005 trial of novelist Orhan Pamuk over comments that recognized the deaths of thirty thousand Kurds and a million Armenians. Enlargement commissioner Olli Rehn and members of the European Parliament called the case "regrettable", "most unfortunate", and "unacceptable".[74] After the case was dropped three months later, Turkey's Foreign Minister Abdullah Gül indicated that Turkey may abandon or modify Article 301, stating that "there may be need for a new law".[75] In September 2006, the European Parliament called for the abolition of laws, such as Article 301, "which threaten European free speech norms".[76] On 30 April 2008, the law was reformed.[77] According to the reform, it is now a crime to explicitly insult the "Turkish nation" rather than "Turkishness"; opening court cases based on Article 301 require the approval of the Justice Minister; and the maximum punishment has been reduced to two years in jail.[77]
Kemal Kerinçsiz, an ultra-nationalist lawyer, and other members of Büyük Hukukçular Birliği (Great Jurists Union) headed by Kerinçsiz, have been "behind nearly all of [Article 301] trials."[78] In January 2008, Kerinçsiz was arrested for participating in an ultra-nationalist underground organization, Ergenekon, allegedly behind the attacks on the Turkish Council of State and Cumhuriyet newspaper,[79] the assassination of several Christian missionaries and Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink,[80] as well as allegedly plotting the assassination of Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk.[81][82]
Turkey gave women the right to vote in 1930 for municipal elections. In 1934 this right was expanded for the national elections, while women were also given the right for becoming elected as MPs in the Turkish Parliament, or for being appointed as Ministers, Prime Minister, Speaker of the Parliament and President of the Republic. In 1993 Tansu Çiller became the first female Prime Minister of Turkey.
In its second report on women's role in social, economic and political life in Turkey, the European Parliament emphasized that respecting human rights, including women’s rights, is a condition sine qua non for Turkey's membership of the EU. According to the report, Turkey's legal framework on women's rights "has in general been satisfactory, but its substantive implementation remains flawed."[83]
Turkey is one of two states (along with Azerbaijan) among the 47 members of the Council of Europe which refused to recognize the status of conscientious objectors or give them an alternative to military service.[84]
Public opinion in EU countries generally opposes Turkish membership, though with varying degrees of intensity. The Eurobarometer September–October 2006 survey [85] shows that 59% of EU-27 citizens are against Turkey joining the EU, while only about 28% are in favour. Nearly all citizens (about 9 in 10) expressed concerns about human rights as the leading cause. In the earlier March–May 2006 Eurobarometer, citizens from the new member states were more in favour of Turkey joining (44% in favour) than the old EU-15 (38% in favour). At the time of the survey, the country whose population most strongly opposed Turkish membership was Austria (con: 81%), while Romania was most in favour of the accession (pro: 66%). On a wider political scope, the highest support comes from the Turkish Cypriot Community (pro: 67%) (which is not recognised as sovereign state and is de facto not EU territory and out of the European institutions). These communities are even more in favour of the accession than the Turkish populace itself (pro: 54%).[86] Opposition in Denmark to Turkish membership was polled at 60% in October 2007, despite the Danish government's support for Turkey's EU bid.[87]
The opening of membership talks with the EU in December 2004 was celebrated by Turkey with much fanfare,[88] but the Turkish populace has become increasingly sceptical as negotiations are delayed based on what it views as lukewarm support for its accession to the EU and alleged double standards in its negotiations particularly with regard to the French and Austrian referendums. A mid-2006 Eurobarometer survey revealed that 43% of Turkish citizens view the EU positively; just 35% trust the EU, 45% support enlargement and just 29% support an EU constitution.[89]
Moreover, Turks are divided on whether to join at all. A 2007 poll put Turkish support for accession to the EU at 41.9% (up from 32% in 2006), with 27.7% opposed and 24.0% indifferent.[90] A 2009 poll showed that support for accession had risen to 48%, even as negative views of the EU had risen from 28% to 32%.[91]
In 2010, despite the government accelerating its quest to join the bloc, public opinion changed with just 38 percent in favour, in contrast to 73 percent in 2004. This was read in line with Turkey’s increasing economic prosperity and a growing role as a regional power-broker.[92] Twenty percent of Turks also favoured closer ties with other Muslim countries instead, a doubling in just one year.
"On 29 July 2005, Turkey signed the Additional Protocol adapting the EC Turkey Association Agreement to the accession of 10 new countries on 1 May 2004. At the same time, Turkey issued a declaration stating that signature of the Additional Protocol did not amount to recognition of the Republic of Cyprus. On 21 September, the EU adopted a counter-declaration indicating that Turkey’s declaration was unilateral, did not form part of the Protocol and had no legal effect on Turkey’s obligations under the Protocol. The EU declaration stressed that recognition of all Member States was a necessary component of the accession process. It also underlined the need for supporting the efforts of the Secretary General of the UN to bring about a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem which would contribute to peace, stability and harmonious relations in the region."[105]
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